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1 No. 109 








ADDRESS 

OF THE 




1 

1 





VICE PRESIDENT OF THE 
UNITED STATES 



DELIVERED AT A MEETING OF THE 

SUPREME COUNCIL OF SCOTTISH RITE MASONS 

FOR THE NORTHERN JURISDICTION OF THE UNITED 

STATES HELD IN NEW YORK CITY, ON 

SEPTEMBER 17, 1917 

It... .... 




PRESENTED BY MR. SWANSON 

September 22, 1917.— Ordered to be printed 




WASHINGTON 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFHCE 

1917 



^ 






.-^ 



D. of D. 
SEP 28 1917 



Cv. 



ADDRESS DELIVERED BY THE VICE PRESIDENT OF THE 
UNITED STATES BEFORE THE SUPREME COUNCIL OF 
SCOTTISH RITE MASONS FOR THE NORTHERN JURISDIC- 
TION OF THE UNITED STATES, HELD IN NEW YORK CITY, 
ON MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 17, 1917. 

Sovereign Grand Commander and Brethren: 

These are days when he who is uncertain as to whether what he is 
about to say will help or harm his country's cause would better 
remain silent. 

These are hours when the ordinarily thoughtful man is looking 
backward, looking forward, looking around, and looking within. 

He wants to know the history of his country; to diagnose present 
conditions; to determine, if possible, the future, and his part in this 
world tragedy. He beholds in retrospect almost a century and a 
half of unexampled progress and prosperity, and reverently lifting 
his eyes to the God of Nations, exclaims with the Psalmist of old, 
"He hath not dealt so with any nation." 

He searches his dictionary for a word that will express the domi- 
nant feature of these glorious years. He reaches the conclusion that 
America in all these decades has spelt, at home and abroad, more 
clearly that any other the word "Opportunity." 

He observes that America has not been exclusively a land where 
only men thoroughly imbued with the principles upon which it was 
founded might build for themselves homes. Isolated from the be- 
ginning by countless leagues of sea, it was never dreamed that it 
could become involved in the politics and poUcies of Europe: This 
isolation led the rulers to throw its gates open to all who might care 
to enter. These came in unnumbered thousands and for reasons, 
oftentimes, remote from those purely of government — some to 
advance their fortune and some their social standing; others to 
divorce themselves from distressful conditions — social, economic, 
political, or religious. 

It was not thought necessary to require the use of the official 
language in family and social hfe. We rather discouraged than 
encouraged the use of English. In many States we provided for 
the teaching of the home language in the public schools. 

So thoughtless and indifferent were we to the shrinking of the 
ocean by steam and electricity that we rejoiced to observe every- 
where business being conducted and social energies evinced under 
the hyphenations of British-American, Irish-American, German- 
American, Franco-American, and Italio-American. 

We took no trouble to protest against dual citizenship. We per- 
mitted foreign-born citizens to vote, with full knowledge of their 
right — ^which meant our consent — that whenever they chose to do so 
they could repudiate their American citizepship by appearing before a 
consul of their native land and become alien enemies. 



4 ADDRESS OF THE VICE PRESIDENT OP THE UNITED STATES. 

All this and more because we never dreamed of European com- 
plications. We had but few whom we were pleased to denominate 
just plain, old-fashioned, American citizens. Within my knowledge, 
learned and patriotic Senators have debated with zeal whether it 
was American or Irish or German citizens who won for us our freedom 
in the Revolution. 

Now, no one ever doubted the loyalty to the flag of all these people 
whether foreign-born' or the sons of foreign-born. Our isolation 
made it immaterial to us whether there was any difference between 
loyalt}^ and patriotism, and true to a thousand years of tradition, 
we did not face the question until it became of moment. 

The years drew us closer and closer to Europe in the ties of com- 
merce and the friendly relations of travel. More and more we 
became a part of the world ; and suddenly a mad monarch, drunk with 
military power and crazed with the idea that he was divinely ordained 
to rule the world, plunged Europe into a war so awful that all wars 
which had preceded it paled into insignificance. 

Still we stood by our ancient ideas of isolation, but in two years 
and a half we discovered that there was a vast difference between 
loyalty and patriotism. The hearts of men flamed up very largely 
in response to the blood that flowed in their veins. Patriotism 
showed itself as dependent, not upon place of residence nor political 
ideas, but rather upon heredity. 

Patience at last was exhausted, and there was nothing for a self- 
respecting people to do, if their Republic was to be true to its tradi- 
tions, save to engage in the war on the side of democracy. 

I do not care to engage in any hair-splitting, although there seems 
to be much discussion as to whether this war is being waged "to 
make the world safe for democracy" or ''to make democracy safe for 
the world." Of course, it was meant by the President, when he 
spoke of making "the world safe for democracy," of making it safe 
for real democracy. 

We all know that liberty is not license, nor democracy demagogy. 
We all know that the world can not be made safe for murder and 
arson and pillage and anarchy and everything for which the syndi- 
calist and the I. W. W.'s may stand; and we also know that such 
things as these can not be made safe for the world. 

I do not stop to speak of the tradition, the history, and the duties 
of our own fraternity. There are three great forces, aside from arms 
and armament, which are molding the future as they have shaped 
the past. These are the teachings of the Nazarene, the tenets of 
our fraternity, and the tendency of democracy as disclosed in the 
ideas and ideals of the Republic. 

When rulers and people are willing to do as they would be done by, 
when they are willing to meet upon the level, act by the plumb, and 
part upon the square; and when governments derive their just 
powers from the consent of the governed, then there will be a large 
assurance of permanent peace. 

This can be brought about only by an appeal to the conscience. 
To do so, discussion is needful. Free thought must never be ham- 
pered. But because a man thinks a thing to be true, and has a 
right to utter his belief under a democracy, he is not justified, if he 
believes in God, in brotherhood, and in the Republic, in voicing his 
views under all circumstances. 



ADDRESS OF THE VICE PRESIDENT OP THE UNITED STATES. 5 

There are many of us who should accept Paul's advice to the 
Corinthians: "All things are lawful unto me, but all things are not 
expedient." 

Democracy means the rule of the people under whatever form of 
government they may choose to express it, but when once the rule 
of the people has been expressed, through their chosen representa- 
tives, then — and particularly in the hour of war— however much 
any of us may think that certain of the policies are mistaken policies, 
free speech, free press, and liberty of conscience do not justify 
criticism, for criticism, however unintentional, invariably gives aid 
and comfort to the enemy. 

Conscription as a principle may be a subject of debate, but not 
now. This Democracy has adopted it for the purposes of this war, 
and discussion of it ought to be held in abeyance. This Government, 
by its chosen Representatives, has declared this war. If there be 
any who think it is not justified, let him not be of aid and comfort 
to the enemy by voicing his sentiments. If laws are silent in the 
midst of arms, let all discussion as to the rightfulness or wrongful- 
ness of the war, and as to the methods by which it is being prose- 
cuted cease, unless by discussion the cause of the Republic and of 
human liberty can be advanced. 

Democracy is constructive, not destructive; it is advisory, not 
critical. I would not have it understood that it is our duty to walk 
over the dead bodies of our convictions even to attain success. I 
admit that failure with honor is preferable to success with disgrace; 
but, believing as I do in the justice and necessity of our cause, I beg 
my brothers of this most loyal order when they speak, to speak whole- 
heartedly for the cause in which we are engaged, and not to criticize 
until mature thought and consideration have convinced them that 
by criticism they can advance the cause of oar country and of uni- 
versal democracy. 

I dp not speak of your duty to the Flag, nor of duty at all. I know 
duty is with us always; that it rises with us in the morning, sits down 
with us at the breakfast table, goes with us to shop and field and office; 
that it is the very shadow of ourselves, and the governor which keeps 
the engine of life moving smoothly. 

I would have all men with us in this cause from a sense of duty, 
if for no other reason, but I would preferably have all enter into it 
from a higher sense, that of living sacrifice for generations yet unborn. 

And now, in the wilderness of thought and of words and in the 
darkness and desolation of this hour, eyes are being turned to the 
sunlight of a new day, and we are asking ourselves, "What of the 
morrow ?" "Is America to continue to be the land of opportunity ? " 
To this we all answer fervently, "Yes;" but to the question, "Is 
America to be exclusively the land of opportunity?" many of us 
answer, "No." America must be more than the land of opportunity. 
It must also be the land of obligation, for if the sun break above the 
cloud tempest and the battle din of this war upon a land exclusively 
of opportunity, then we shall have a people who may be loyal to the 
material interests of the Republic, but whose inner sentiments may 
be disloyal to its ideals. 

Common gratitude to the fathers and savers of the Republic 
demand that we pour out the last drop of blood and expend the last 
dollar of money in the cause in which we have engaged. This, loyalty 



6 ADDRESS OP THE VICE PRESIDENT OP THE UNITED STATES. 

demands; but objectives in crucial hours assume new forms. Martin 
Luther thought he died a loyal Catholic ; instead he died the founder 
of a new church. Abraham Lincoln thought he was called to the 
presidency to preserve the Union; instead he died the emancipator 
of the black man. 

Whatever the original causes of this war and whatever the motives 
in its earlier prosecution may have been, they have now resolved 
themselves into a conflict between the two great systems of govern- 
ment — autocracy and democracy. 

If, therefore, America is to remain just the land of opportunity, 
then nothing of any moment will have been accomplished by this 
war, so far as we are concerned. What, therefore, is the lesson of 
the hour to a body of men whose obligation is to the flag of their 
country ? I dare not speak for you. I speak only for myself, and 
yet I would that it might be for you also. That lesson is, that this 
war shall furnish a new definition of patriotism. The word shall no 
longer mean the land of a man's birth, or the land of his adoption, 
the language he speaks, or the place where those he loves reside. It 
shall have evolved into a difterent meaning. It will demand of 
everyone who owes allegiance to any prince, or potentate, or auto- 
cratic power on earth, that he renounce that allegiance, and renounce 
also allegiance to every purely selfish pursuit and aim; that he sub- 
ordinate the material interests of this Government to its ideals; 
that he take an oath of allegiance to an invisible government which 
believes, which teaches, which holds that all men are born free and 
equal, that governments derive their just powers from the consent 
of the governed, that none is fit to rule save of the free and untram- 
meled consent of the majority of those over whom he rules, that 
wealth is good and honor is better, but above all, that democracy is 
best. Whoever beheves these things is worthy to be an American; 
whoever does not, is unworthy. 

The world around, a free expression of opinion woidd show a 
majority of the people to be for the right and not for the wrong; for 
justice, not for injustice; for honesty, not for dishonesty; for peace 
not for war, and that given the opportunity, the people will speak 
for the arbitration of courts, rather than for the arbitrament of arms. 

To these old ideas, reborn in the travail of war, I pledge my fealty. 
I want this war to end, but not to end until the people in every land 
shall possess the right to make peace and declare war, either directly 
or through their chosen representatives. I want blood, and birth, 
and social standing, and educational qualifications, and rehgious 
trend all to be forgotten in this new parliament of new men, this 
federation of the world. I want those in this our land who do not 
thus beheve to become fewer and fewer as the days go by. 

I do not want entangling alliances with European nations. It is 
not necessary to have them. When we sit at the council table of the 
world, I trust we may do so as the representative of a newer and 
better isolation — an isolation of the spirit, free to say to the Germanic 
people, ''Have what Government you please, but let us know that 
it is yours;" free to say to the oldest of constitutional governments, 
the British Empire, ''We have made this fight with you as our ally 
in the cause of democracy, but we are not willing to change our sys- 
tem. The Windsor tie does not harmonize with the cut of our 
democracy." 



I 



ADDRESS OF THE VICE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 7 

In other words, I want to be in the world to voice a view, to up- 
hold a theory, but never to be compelled to do a wrong unless un- 
fortunately it be for my own country. 

This seems to me but to express lamely the views of the President 
of the United States. If this were a Democratic war, I should keep 
silent; if it were a Republican war, I probably should say unjusti- 
fiable things. It is neither. It is an American war, for only a 
coward, a poltroon, a trickster, or a poHtical charlatan, seeking 
personal advantage, would have dared to evade it. 

The flag can not wave with terror to its enemies save in the hands 
of a standard bearer. What you and I may think of the domestic 
views of the standard bearer can afford to wait. Forgetting blood 
and business, there are now, as always, just two grades of citizens in 
the Republic — the man who asks himself, ''What can I do for my 
country?" and the man who asks, ''What can my country do for 
me?" 

So long as America was simply the land of opportunity I had 
much to say about these two classes and the unjustifiable advan- 
tages which were afforded to the latter. But now that we have 
become the land of obligation my voice is silent for the present. I 
await the conduct of my fellowmen, as I trust they will await mine, 
if mine be of any moment. So far as mere partisan debts are con- 
cerned, I have declared a moratorium until the war ends. 

Rich and poor, high and low, labor and capital, protected and 
unprotected, all are forgotten. What they have, what they do, is 
of no moment if they be willing to sacrifice for the Republic and for 
democracy. 

I am hoping to see revised one of Macauley's lays of ancient 
Rome, in which it can truly be said that none is for the party, but 
all for the state. I have already seen so much splendid self-sacrifice 
upon the part of men whom I have freely criticised heretofore that 
I stand dumb and speechless in the presence of mere partisan poli- 
tics, and dare to lift my voice only in the hope that there may be 
in it one clear call of loyalty and devotion to the principles in which 
we pretend to believe, and to the man who is our spokesman. 

It was the custom, upon the crowning of a Roman emperor, for 
the legions to pass in review before him. As each legion appeared 
it halted and the commander took a solemn obligation to be loyal 
to the emperor and to the gods of Rome. As he concluded, each 
man in the legion lifted his good right hand to Heaven, crying out 
"This for me." This solemn ceremonial was enacted alike at the 
crowning of Marcus Aurelius, seeker after God, and of Nero, finder 
of the devil. The man was nothing, the office all. 

Democracy in its partisan sense. Republicanism, Socialism, are 
just now in abeyance. The chosen representatives of the American 
people, regardless of their partisan views upon internal matters, 
have taken their oath of loyalty and devotion to the principles of 
the Republic, and to the President of the United States. Is it not 
possible to have until the conclusion of this war aU hands in America 
lifted to the God of our fathers, and all voices proclaiming, "Wood- 
row Wilson, America, democracy, for me?" 

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